Portræt og selviscenesættelse: Resuméer

Hermann Bengtsson (Sverige): Plain or multicoloured? On the decorative arrangements used by the Scandinavian courts in the 15th and 16th Centuries
Renaissance art is mainly associated with paintings, sculptures and buildings that in one way or another express the classical taste of the patron and the artist. The royal and aristocratic patrons did, however, use other forms of expression as well. In this short survey, the temporary decorations of the Scandinavian Renaissance courts will be examined, in particular the use of textiles and clothing During the Middle Ages, multicoloured textiles, gleaming lights and loud music were counted among the things associated with the life at court. In the 16th Century, however, a change of taste seems to have occurred. Now more discrete ways of appearance came into fashion with dark clothing and castle interiors in one colour only. In the essay, these new modes are put in relation to ideas presented by influential Renaissance writers such as Baldassare Castiglione and Erasmus Roterdamus.
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Jan von Bonsdorff (Norge): Visual Self-Representation in 15th Century Sweden - Sten Sture and St. George
In this paper, I discuss the socalled 'bürgerliche Realismus' and chivalrous iconographical traits in Northern European art in the late Middle Ages as instruments for self-representation. I would like to start with the Swedish chancellor Sten Sture the Elder (reign 1470-1497) and the monumental sculpture of St. George and the Dragon in Storkyrkan in Stockholm, inaugurated 1489, and attributed to the woodcarver Bernt Notke from Lübeck. Where did Sten Sture receive his ideas for this large-scale project? Sten Sture's predecessor, Karl Knutsson, stayed in Danzig (Gdansk) from 1457 to 1464; the young Sten Sture followed his relative on these voyages. Since the 1430's, Swedish merchants had a small colony in Danzig. In the church of St. Mary's in Danzig there had existed a chapel of St. George at least since the middle of the 15th century; there is evidence for different wooden statues of St. George in this chapel. The large relief of St. George from the Arthushof ("the House of King Arthur", a guild house) in Danzig, attributed to Hans Brandt, is often dated 1485, i. e., shortly before the Swedish St. George (but later than Sten Sture's visit to Danzig). This worship of St. George in Danzig has, as I understand it, left traces in Sten Sture's apprehension of chivalry. It must be pointed out that not members of the nobility, but the merchant guilds, were instrumental for the diffusion of this worship. How these ideas have been transferred to Danzig is a matter of discussion; as a possible source, the court in Prag lies near at hand.
Sten Sture's sense for visual pomp and ostentatiousness is known through legacies and other documents. He fancied gold and gems, boats and beautiful horses (the horse of Notke's St. George carries the Sture coats-of-arms as a brand). The statue of St. George evinces many overlayering meanings in connection to Sten Sture: Besides the Christian connotations with 'miles Christi' and the theme of the courteous knight, the statue is a monument over Sten Sture's victory at the battle of Brunkeberg. Furthermore, Sten Sture originally wanted to use the monument as a tomb for his wife and himself. Thus, the urge to put political, national and personal traits to show are all evident in one work of art at the dawn of the Northern Renaissance.
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Nils Ekedahl (Sverige): Den humanistiska retoriken
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Peter Gillgren (Sverige): The Renaissance Cathedral of Uppsala
De förändringar som Uppsala domkyrka genomgick under 1500-talet tycks ha mer att göra med den furstliga renässanskulturens utbredning i Norden än med den kyrkliga reformationen. De svenska kungarna under vasarenässansen (Gustav Vasa och hans söner, 1523-1611) gjorde sitt yttersta för att omdana den gotiska katedralen till ett renässansmausoleum över den egna ätten. Från det att Gustav Vasa under 1550-talet och i samråd med sonen Erik (senare Erik XIV) låtit Uppsala bli begravningsplats för de avlidna drottningarna och fram till Uppsala möte 1593 tillkom en serie monument och en omgestaltning även av byggnadens yttre som sammantaget vittnar om deras ambitioner att stå jämbördiga med regenter och furstar på kontinenten.
I föredraget kommer jag dels att presentera de förändringar som planerades och utfördes, varav några ej tidigare uppmärksammats, samt diskutera relationen till eventuella utländska förebilder.
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Mikael Hörnqvist (Sverige): The Florentine Renaissance - at home and abroad
Although Florence's status as the birth place and the cradle of the Renaissance is generally acknowledged, relatively little attention has been paid to how the Florentine Renaissance was refashioned, diluted and distorted during its migration abroad. My talk will deal with the problem of cultural reception from a theoretical point of view as well as a from an empirical one. At a theoretical level, I will address two questions arising from the development and spread of the Renaissance culture in Europe. First, what makes a cultural milieu susceptible to certain influence and not to others? What mechanisms are at work when a culture selectively borrows or appropriates elements from another? Secondly, what cultural features travel easily and which are less likely to find a favorable reception abroad? Are there other criteria than quality that decide what enters the larger cultural arena of a given period? On the empirical level, the focus will be on the reception, or non-reception, of Machiavelli's political theory and the visual vocabulary of Florentine architecture in Italy, transalpine Europe and Scandinavia during the Early Modern period.
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Hannemarie Ragn Jensen (Danmark): "Uomini famosi e donne illustri" at the court of Christian the IV of Denmark
En portrætserie af adelige ægtepar i kredsen omkring Christian IV tiltrækker sig opmærksomheden, når besøgende går igennem de danske renæssancesamlinger på Frederiksborg Slot i Hillerød. Disse trekvartfigurs portrætter af Christen Thomesen Sehested, Mette Rosenkrantz, Holger Rosenkrantz, Sophie Brahe, Christen Skeel, Birgitte Rud, Sten Brahe, Sophie Rosenkrantz, Henrik Thott, Beate Rosenkrantz, Falk Gøye og Karen Bille har ligeledes tiltrukket sig kunsthistorikernes opmærksomhed. Således har bl.a. Karl Madsen (1901-07), Otto Andrup (1928), Povl Eller (1971) og Steffen Heiberg (1988) viet dem studier med henblik på at tilskrive dem til skole og kunstner samt afdække deres placering indenfor den nationale og internationale kunsthistorie.
Inspireret af to nyere værker om portrætgenren, nemlig Paul Brilliant: Portraiture (London 1991) og Eduard Pommier: Théories du portrait. De la Renaissance aux Lumières (Gallimard 1998) er det hensigten med nærværende studie at uddybe kendskabet til portrætternes rolle og at aflæse adelens selvforståelse og iscenesættelse i denne serie, og at diskutere hvilke normer for decorum ved Christian IV's hof, der kommer til udtryk i forhold til individualisering og repræsentative mands -og kvinderoller.
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Minna Skafte Jensen (Danmark): Borgerlige digteres selvportræt i dansk renæssancepoesi
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Birgitte Bøggild Johannsen (Danmark): MEMORIA MAJORUM. The renovation of the royal medieval funeral monuments in Ribe, Sorø, Ringsted and Roskilde during the reign of Frederick II, seen as expression of the dynastic and political self-representation of the king.
"Whoever prepares no memorial for himself during his lifetime, has none after his death and is forgotten along with the sound of the bell that tolls his passing. Thus the money I spend for the perpetuation of my memory is not lost; in fact, in such matter to be sparing of money is to suppress my future memory." This statement of the Emperor Maximilian I, verbally expressed by his alter ego, Weisskunig, is the classical and famous credo of a Renaissance prince as to the necessity and importance of caring for his own memory or history, this obviously being synonymous with that of the nation.
In his manifesto, De scribenda historia danica (Om Den Danske Krønicke at bescriffue), the Danish historian, Anders Sørensen Vedel in 1578 (1581) likewise points out to the obligations of the kings and potentates to have the chronicle of their own realm described, including an account of the achievements of the regents, good or bad, as well as the royal genealogy and lineage. "In this way the true facts of mattter should be clearly illustrated." Thus presenting the res gestae as positive or negative exempla of the good or evil regiment, the national history had a basically moral function as a mirror of princes. However, the benefits of history obviously were not restricted to that. By enumerating the age-old ancestry of the prince, the national history was a political instrument of crucial importance, legitimizing his power, status and territory. Furthermore, in creating the image of the head of state, being great not only by virtue of his deeds and his noble lineage, but also as an organizer of historiography, the king's patronage in this field became a highly important element of his self-representation.
Different media or means, literal as well as pictorial or ritual, were used by the Renaissance princes to further this vital purpose. The historical image of the prince with regards to the retrospective as well as to the prospective aspects could be established e.g. by way of galleries or collections of family portraits (painted or sculptured), showing the ancestors as well as contemporary representatives of the royal line. Another way of immortalizing the past and pay due respect to the present and the future regiment were the care for important family treasures and monuments, in particular the tombs and burial places of famous ancestors, these monuments as well being relevant source material for the historiographer, as expressively pointed out by Anders Sørensen Vedel.
In Denmark attempts to establish a national historiography in continuation of Saxo's Gesta Danorum were intensified during the reign of Frederick II (1559-88), the king actively supporting the endeavors, partly from a deliberate chauvinistic or political motif in the bitter "ancestral conflict" between Denmark and the arch enemy, Sweden. Though none of them was officially equipped with the title of "Royal historiographer", historians like Hans Svaning, Iver Bertelsen or Anders Sørensen Vedel all in different ways were patronized by the government. The creating of the impressive tapestry cycle in 1581-84 in the Banqueting Hall at Kronborg is another remarkable expression, illustrating the king's 111 ancestors from king Dan to the present regent and his heir to the throne, Christian (IV).
Less noticed, however, but of equal importance as expressions of Frederick II's wish for self-representation as head of an age-old dynasty, is the attention given to a number of royal medieval necropoles, which were redecorated or restored during the 1570' and 1580'ies. One of these was the former Benedictine monastery church of Ringsted, the mausoleum for the dynasty of the Valdemars from the 12th to the 14th centuries. This church, being among "the oldest and noblest in the country", was restored at the order of Frederick II, because "many kings and queens are buried (in this place)". The restoration, comprising a renewal of the royal tombstones and a number of the wall-paintings with portraits of the kings and queens, had to a lesser degree its parallel in Ribe, where in 1576 new epitaphs for the kings Erik Emune and Christoffer I were painted with adjoining inscriptions, composed by the historian Hans Svaning. Before 1582 at least two written epitaphs were painted upon the walls in the former Cistercian monastery church at Sorø near the tombs of Valdemar Atterdag and Oluf, the works of the historians Christian Macchabæus and Iver Bertelsen. A particular interest seems to have been given to Roskilde Cathedral, which regained its status as the chosen dynastic necropole of the Danish kings during the reign of Frederick II. Not securely dated by written records, but probably belonging to the same period as the above mentioned examples were the wall paintings in the choir with matching rhymes for three royal foundators or benefactors (the first christian king of Denmark, Harald Blåtand as well as Svend Estridsen and Estrid (Margrete), including the bishop Vilhelm), exemplifying the deliberate use of a "medieval" vocabulary of forms as visual expression of dignity and age-old descent. The renovations in Roskilde, which may have included a partly restoration of the tumba of Queen Margrete, were finished before 1588, when they formed the decorative set-piece for the funeral ceremony of king Frederick II, as expressively mentioned in contemporary descriptions of this important event. Pictures or symbols of the king's glorious ancestry were also presented at the funeral, the first example in Denmark of a stately pompa funebris, following continental patterns.
The paper is developed from my research project in progress, presenting the ritual and representational aspects of the royal Danish funeral culture during the late middle ages and early modern times.
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Hugo Johannsen (Denmark): Dignity and Power of the King and Nation: Portrait and Self-Representation in the Royal Funerary Monuments for Christian III, Frederick II and Christian IV in the Cathedral of Roskilde.
The reign of Frederick II of Denmark (1559-1588) marks a new beginning as to the will to demonstrate the supremacy of kingdom and to give Denmark a more exalted position among the leading european powers. Artistic enterprises was a most important means to this end , and Frederick's new castle , Kronborg, at Elsinore as well as the royal tomb monuments at Roskilde are the most significant efforts in this respect.
In 1569 the king ordered a monument for his father Christian III to be made in Antwerp by one of the most famous sculptors in Northern Europe, Cornelis Floris (1514-1575). Floris had previously worked for the Danish court and 1549-1553 created the monument in Schleswig Cathedral for king Frederick I, the father of Christian III. The latter was in 1559 buried in the Cathedral of Odense , but by tranferring the body to Roskilde, to the chapel of the Magi , founded by Christian I , the first king of the Oldenburg line, Frederick both enhanced the importance of his own dynasty and at the same time stressed the age-old status of kingdom in Denmark, due to the tradition that king Harald Blåtand. (+ c. 980), who christened the danes and conquered Norway , was also buried here. Thus Frederick made Roskilde a Danish parallel to other royal necropoles such as S. Denis or Westminster Abbey and established a pattern that has never since been broken.
The actual monument for Christian III, that finally in 1580 after a long and complicated process was erected in the chapel of the Magi, is a temple-like construction showing the king both dead and alive: Below the gisant of the king is lying on a matress awaiting Resurrection on Judgement Day, on top of the roof he is shown kneeling in prayer before the crucified Christ , symbolizing his role as a mediator bewtween God and commonwealth. The renaissance monuments for the french kings and queens have long been recognized to be models for this type of composition . A number of hitherto unknown, recently published drawings by the artist stress this connection further. They also illuminate the process of creation including a number of important alterations (omssion of the queen) wanted by the king and his advisors. Most important they prove, that a closely related monument for Frederick himself was planned contemporanously . Actually the latter was only made after the king's death in 1594-1598 by the sculptor Gert van Egen, one of the numerous artists of Netherlandish origin, working since the 1570's at Kronborg. It owes much to the composition by Floris, but elaborates its style in a more manieristic vein, and presents an iconographic programme that stresses the king's deeds and virtues furthermore. Another proof of the ideological importance of such monments are the laws passed by Frederick in 1576 prohibiting danish noblemen to erect similar free-standing monuments of marble and alabaster. This was claimed to be a royal prerogative.
As an epilogue the moument for Christian IV (1596-1648) is discussed, although it was never finished. According to the original project it was to be erected in his chapel, built 1613ff on the north side of the Cathedral opposite the chapel of the Magi. It certainly should have surpassed both that of his father and grandfather, but like many other projects of this unfortunate king, it never was fulfilled, characteristic in a way to the final decline of this ambitious monarch who had so many triumphs in his early career.
Finally the analysis of the three royal tomb monuments at Roskilde Cathedral are placed in a broader perspective by drawing parallels to contemporanous developments not only in France, but also to the imperial courts in Austria and Spain, and to the dukedoms of Bavaria and Saxony.
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Patrick Kragelund (Danmark): Frederiksborg Castle, the decorative scheme
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Siri Skjold Lexau (Norge): Ideal cities as a tool of humanist formation. King Christian IVs new towns in the norwegian area
Plans for ideal cities, devised by political leaders at various periods, have often had a military or strategic object. They have also been viewed as proper tools for creating a well structured society. The ancient, Roman garrison cities first and foremost had significance as control posts, but they also were equipped with all the necessary infrastructure that could, on many levels, contribute to the maintenance of a Roman way of living. The ideal cities of the Renaissance aimed at a structured order of society, based on universal principles of hierarcy. Later projects of ideal cities tended rather to have social aims, in that they were supposed to function as recipients of population overflow from bigger cities. Some cities have been reconstructed after great fires. Sometimes older structures are reflected in the new ones, so that the shape of the historical city remains visible. Fires may, however, also be a wellcome occasion for total restructuring. New towns can be erected as a historical demarcation, and a new orientation against a former political regime that the old city is connected with. The new town may have strategic significance, or it can stand forward as a kind of social (re)organization or substitution of something else. Many new towns have also been built as imperialistic strongholds.
In Norway, hardly any planned ideal cities were ever built. Complete city structures have, however, been planned and executed by the Norwegian-Danish king Christian IV in the seventeenth century. Such cities, planned from the very beginning, represent a complex tool of strategic communication on many levels.
A comprehensive material is available on the problem of ideal cities in Europe. In Norway, however, studies have mainly been focusing on the physical, evolutionary processes of the cities. My work will try focus on material related to ideological questions concerning the establishment of the Danish-Norwegian planned cities in the seventeenth century: Christiania, Kongsberg, Trondheim and Kristiansand. I do not yet know to which extent such a material exists. One may assume that Norwegian town planners knew, and were influenced by, thoughts that were also the ideological basis of the town plans that were executed by princes and kings in Europe. My aim is to seek analogies with the international material, also, or especially, where it is not explicitly expressed. On the contrary, this will be evident only through formal analyses.
One of the most important objects with the construction of ideal city plans has been to "form" and educate the population in accordance with the leaders' image of an ideal society. At the same time, an ideal city is a portrait of the leader and his ideals. We know that Christian IV was influenced by Thomas Moore and German utopists. We also know that he had adapted the conviction of the Neoclassical age of enlightenment that knowledge of the arts and sciences was a precondition for an intellectually advanced management of society. The king himself had received an excellent education in his youth. To express the intention of creating well-organized cities, existing ideal cities were depicted with a clear hierarcally structure. The shape, equipment and function of buildings, squares and streets have great significance in an urban organisation of this kind. Through history, from antiquity, the system and symbolic functions of such hierarcial structures are evidenced in various architectural treaties. Also the plans for the Norwegian planned cities of Christian IV are influenced by comparable methods and ideals. One of the most important objects of erecting a city, is for the leader to show himself as a builder of societies corresponding to his own ideals.
For my study, maps, drawings and written sources are of primary importance. This includes plans and projects for cities, in addition to official documents concerning architecture and public gardens. A comprehensive amount of literature is available as a basis for plunging into the field of ideal city planning. A substantial part of it is texts with which I have been working earlier, but a fair knowledge of these texts is of prime importance for investigations into the Norwegian renaissance planned towns of the period.
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Outi Merisalo (Finland): Bibliotek och bibliotekägare i Storfurstendömet Finland ända till 1713
Det är inte överdrivet att påstå att renässancen och humanismen egentligen först fann sin väg till Storfurstendömet Finland i och med att Academia Aboensis blev grundad år 1640. Det är sant att t. ex. Finlands reformator, Mikael Agricola, hade studerat i Wittenberg hos Luther och Melanchthon och hade där utbildats till en solid melanchthonisk kyrkoman. Reformationen hade praktiskt taget förstört det medeltida skolsystemet, och först i början av sextonhundratalet hade skolsystemet åter börjat fungera på ett effektivt sätt. I den andra hälften av sextonhundratalet finns det material som påpekar på några större bibliotek - framför allt Akademibiblioteket i Åbo - i detta område som plågades av armod och krig. Det syns sakligt att begränsa den behandlade perioden till tiden före 1713, då ryssarna ockuperade stora delar av Finland under Karl XIIs sista katastrofiska år. År 1713 stängdes också Akademin, som skulle först återupprätta sina aktiviteter år 1722. Det här projektet skall granska det existerande materialet om finska bibliotek och deras ägare fr.o.m femtonhundratalet ända till 1713 för att placera uppgifterna i en vidare europeisk kontext. Syftet är att få en insikt i hur bibliotekssamlingarna mvjligtvis fungerade som medel för självrepresentation för bokågarna.
Vi skall inte endast använda publicerat material utan skall också gå genom opublicerat arkivmaterial. Vi hoppas att genom att läsa mycket noggrant bibliotekskatalogerna av olikt ursprung vi skall få en precis bild av vad som fanns till förfogande och hur, när det gäller större samlingar, olika typer av verk återspeglar individuella kulturintressen och på så sett ger en idé om vilket slags av självrepresentation som bokägarna ville identifieras med.
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Märtha Norrback (Finland) Kvinnliga läsare på 1700-talet
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Marianne Pade (Danmark): Royal Biography in Denmark
I den italienske renæssance intensiveredes læsningen af den antikke biografi, og med genindførelsen af studiet af klassisk græsk omkring år 1400 fik et vestligt publikum også adgang til Plutarchs (Chaeronea, * før 50 - + efter 120 e.v.t.) Sammenlignende Levnedsskildringer, der med deres ligefremme kronologiske fremstilling af begivenhederne var meget forskellige fra de biografier, der kendtes fra den vestlige tradition. Plutarchs Levnedsskildringer var i Italien i det 15. årh. og specielt i årene 1400-1470 blandt de hyppigst læste værker af den græske litteratur og influerede den italienske humanisme på afgørende vis: humanisterne ikke bare oversatte Plutarch, de begyndte også et teoretisk studie af hans litterære form, og Levnedsskildringerne blev modeller både for skriftlige og billedlige personfremstillinger. Biografien blev en humanistisk genre, og fra Italien bredte de nye ideer sig til resten af Europa, således at Plutarchs biografier har været af betydning for dannelsen af det europæiske humanismebegreb frem til vor tid.
Plutarch udtaler sig ofte om sine motiver og metoder. I Pericles biografien fortæller han mere udførligt om den opdragelsesteori, der ligger bag hans produktion. Han skriver, at ligesom det er godt for øjet, således gavner det sindet at rette opmærksomheden mod noget smukt: den der studerer fremragende handlinger vil beundre dem og prøve at efterligne dem. Det ædle eller moralsk fremragende udøver en attraktion på beskueren og skaber øjeblikkeligt en impuls til at efterligne det, medens kendskabet til den historiske handling ydermere skaber en øget moralsk bevidsthed. I indledningen til Aleksander biografien skriver Plutarch, at hans formål er at skildre personens karakter, og at han viser den ved hjælp af den signifikante detalje, ved et replikskifte eller en scene, der viser heltens personlighed. Et berømt eksempel på det er historien om, hvordan Aleksander som dreng tæmmer hesten Bukefalos, en historie der naturligvis skal vise verdensherskeren i svøb. Plutarch koncentrerer faktisk sin opmærksomhed om sine heltes menneskelige kvaliteter - gode som dårlige - i en sådan grad, at hans sjældent kommer meget ind på deres historiske betydning.
I Renæssancen blev denne teknik efterlignet med større eller mindre held. Biografien skulle fremstille det enkelte individs historie således, at personens karakter blev belyst gennem dets reaktion på menneskelivets omskifteligheder, forholdet til omverdenen, og ikke mindst ved personens evne til at præge samtidige begivenheder. Det er ofte blevet fremhævet, at 1400-tallets historiografi i høj grad beskæftigede sig med "det eksemplariske," og denne tendens er faktisk blevet sat i forbindelse med genopdagelse af Plutarchs Sammenlignende Levnedsskildringer og studiet af hans biografiske form: Plutarch viste hvordan man kunne organisere de biografiske data, ideologiske såvel som materielle, i en narrativ kontekst, der er baseret på det sandsynlige men har det romantiske elements tiltrækningskraft, og på en sådan måde, at det moralske og politiske budskab virker som en implicit og nødvendig historisk morale. Det er klart at denne teknik med ringe modifikationer kunne bruges til en meget forførende panegyrik, hvilket da også skete.
Da alle Plutarchs biografier var blevet oversat til latin omkring 1470, sås i de næste årtier mindre direkte beskæftigelse med dem i form af oversættelser eller kommentarer. Først i 1560'erne udkommer Hermann Crusers og Wilhelm Xylanders udgaver, og med dem er tyngdepunktet i Plutarchstudierne flyttet til det reformerte Nordeuropa. Begge humanister oversætter og kommenterer biografierne og deres værker kommer i mange oplag. Cruser dedicerer sine oversættelser til en lang række nordeuropæiske stormænd, bl.a. Kong Frederik II af Danmark.
Mit formål er at se hvordan den humanistiske biografi, der er influeret af 1400-tallets læsning af Plutarch, kommer til at påvirke danske 1500-tals levnedsskildringer både formelt og teknisk, dvs. i hvor høj grad vi finder den eksemplariske biografi, og i hvor høj grad den plutarchæiske personskildrings virkemidler bliver brugt i Danmark. Jeg vil i min undersøgelse gå ud fra de latinske 1400-tals oversættelser samt Crusers og Xylanders kommentarer, og i det danske materiale koncentrere mig om rækken af biografiske tekster omkring Christian III og Frederik II.
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Sigurdur Petursson (Island): To Tell the Truth - but not the Whole Truth. An analysis of a eulogy
In the year 1627 Guðbrandur Þorláksson (1542-1627), Bishop of Hólar-diocese in northern Iceland, died at the age of 85 having held the bishop�s staff for 56 years. Throughout his unusually long period of office the bishop had exercised an overwhelming influence in several fields of Icelandic society. He left clear marks not only on the administration of the church but also on the general spiritual life of Icelanders. To carry through his diverse projects he managed to gather many able collaborators who in their turn enjoyed the bishop�s support. One of the best known of these was the learned humanist Arngrímur Jónsson (1568-1648), a relative of Guðbrandur Þorláksson, who had already become his protegé in his youth and remained an intimate and loyal participant in many of the bishop�s dealings both public and private to the very end. After Guðbrandur Þoráksson�s death Arngrímur Jónsson was asked to compose a eulogy to his old benefactor, a task few, if anyone, was more apt to perform. Arngrímur showed reluctance, probably more than could be ascribed to traditional modesty in situations like this, but finally he accepted and in 1630, the eulogy, Aqanasia sive nominis ac famæ immortalitas reverendi ac incomparabilis viri Dn. Gudbrandi Thorlacii, appeared in print in Hamburg. As Guðbrandur Þorláksson�s life is well recorded in many different contemporary documents, we are furnished with material which enables us to compare the portrait of Guðbrandur Þorláksson, drawn by Arngrímur Jónsson, to that which may be gathered from other sources. A comparison will show the problems Arngrímur had to face, if he was not to offend an international audience�s sense of decency or damage the ideal image of the bishop. The eulogy itself demonstrates how the author solved these problems either by omitting unpleasant matters or by evading in a rather ingenious way delicate facts without violating too seriously his own trustworthiness in the eyes of the Icelanders who knew the whole life story of the bishop. Thus, while the Aqanasia of Arngrímur Jónsson does not add much to our knowledge of the historical Guðbrandur Þorláksson, a remarkable but not blameless character, it shows how its author wished to portray for future generations a great man of the ecclestiastical order to whom he doubtlessly desired to pay due respect.
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Hanna Pirinen (Finland): Protestant church architecture
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Raija Sarasti-Wilenius (Finland): Finnish panegyrical writing
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Karin Sidén (Sverige): Virtues as ideals and attributes in the Swedish 17th century portraits of the young unmarried woman.
Under 1600-talet var porträttmåleriet den vanligaste förekommande konstnärliga genren i Sverige. Porträtten ger uttryck för olika ideal, värderingar och attityder gentemot människan, könen, åldrarna och stånden. Likt ett visuellt retoriskt språk avbildas modellerna i återkommande roller och med repetitiva poser, gester och attribut.
I porträtten av de unga ogifta kvinnorna från 1600-talets första hälft får inplacerade attribut i form av andaktsböcker och blommor symbolisera olika kvinnliga dygder såsom fromhet, kyskhet och oskuldsfullhet. Rollen som kysk, from kvinna inför kommande äktenskap är också ett centralt tema i tidens kvinnliga likpredikningar och i den uppfostringslitteratur som riktades till flickorna. I de så kallade Jungfruspeglarna, författade av luherska pedagoger som Lucas Martini och Conrad Porta, liknas dygderna vid olika blomster som flickorna förväntades plocka och samla till en dygdekrans. Jungfruspeglarnas innehåll och dess blomstermetaforer, liksom likpredikningarnas beskrivningar av den fromma kvinnan, kan ses som intressanta referenser till porträtten av de unga flickorna. I båda fallen framträder flera viktiga aspekter i 1600-talets tankevärld, av vikt för människans självuppfattning. Till dessa hör betonandet av olika roller och hierarkier, uttryckta med återkommande metaforer och symboler i ett påtagligt didaktiskt syfte.
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Karen Skovgaard-Petersen (Danmark): The historian's self-representation ? on the role of the narrator in Hans Svaning's History of Denmark (c. 1570) and Tormod Torfæus's History of Norway (1711).
After the Lutheran Reformation the production of new up-to-date History of Denmark in Latin was a high priority in Danish government circles. As a result the historian Hans Svaning was able, in 1579, to handle over to the censors his comprehensive account of Danish history from the earliest times to the first decades of the 16th century. For reasons unknown the work was not accepted for print, and the manuscript was stored in the University Library where it was burned in 1728. But parts of Svaning's history have survived and allow us to study various aspects of his approach.
Since 1380 Norway had been united with Denmark, a bond that had been further strengthened after the Reformation. Still, Norwegian history was not taken into account in any significant degree neither by Svaning nor by succeeding Danish historiographers. In fact, it was not until the final decades of the 17th century that the idea of an officially sponsored independant history of Norway in Latin seems to have gained ground. The result was the monumental Historia rerum Norvegicarum written by Tormod Torfæus and published in 1711. It covers the period from the earliest times up to 1387.
Thus more than a century separates the first full-scale post-Reformation history of Denmark and its Norwegian counterpart. European national historiography underwent significant changes in this period, and many of these changes are to be observed through a comparative study of the two works. In the paper I want to focus on one of the stylistic differences between Svaning's and Torfæus's national histories, viz. the role of the narrator, the "I" of the historian. It will be argued that Torfæus's argumentative, discussing and researching narrative role reflects other ideals of national historiography than those prevalent in Svaning's time.
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Peter Zeeberg (Danmark): Heinrich Rantzau (1526-98) - Self-representation through literary patronage
Henrik Rantzaus (1526-98) var i næsten et halvt århundrede den danske konges statholder i hertugdømmerne Slesvig og Holsten. I den samme periode udfoldede han en usædvanligt omfattende virksomhed som forfatter, litterær mæcen og samler. Hele denne virksomhed har en tydelig karakter af selvfremstilling. Mæcenvirksomheden var præget af en stram styring fra Rantzaus side, der til stadighed sikrede at de trykte værker præsenterede det rette billede af mæcenen gennem dedikationer, panegyrisk poesi, portrætter, våbenskjolde osv.
Jeg har tidligere udarbejdet en (p.t. endnu uudgivet) bibliografi over trykte værker med tilknytning til denne virksomhed. Bibliografien omfatter ca. 250 numre og vil blive publiceret som bog af Det danske Sprog- og Litteraturselskab og (i en anden redigering) i netversion som led i Database of Nordic Neo-Latin Literature.
Rantzaus litterære selvportræt er centralt for udforskningen af disse fænomener i den nordiske renæssance både fordi det usædvanligt rige materiale der er til rådighed, kan give et nuanceret og detaljeret billede af forholdene, og fordi Rantzau var et vigtigt kulturelt bindeled mellem Norden og det tyske område i den periode hvor renæssancen for alvor slog igennem i Norden.
Som led i nærværende projekt agter jeg at gennemføre en undersøgelse af hvilket billede han forsøger at tegne af sig selv i sine egne bøger/tekster og i de bøger/tekster af andre han støttede som mæcen. Det vil her være naturligt at supplere den litterære undersøgelse af udvalgte tekster med kildestudier i Rantzaus bevarede korrespondance med forfattere, trykkere m.fl., der vil kunne klarlægge den styring og planlægning der ligger bag det samlede billede. Jeg har i forvejen i forbindelse med mit bibliografiske arbejde foretaget nøje registrering af Rantzaus bevarede korrespondance som vil kunne danne grundlag for denne undersøgelse.
Jeg tænker mig at undersøgelsen vil kunne udmønte sig i en længere artikel.
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Denne side er sammensat af Marianne Pade 8-5-2001 / red. 17-9-2001